Creation: Proletarian Liberation Struggle Association Political Economy Group
On June 1st during the day, several trucks purchased by the Ukrainian National Security Service and driven by hired Russian personnel headed to Russian Air Force bases to strike four air force bases located in the Murmansk, Ivanovo, and Rzhevsk regions of Eastern Europe, as well as in Irkutsk in the Far East. About a hundred drones carrying bombs took off from these trucks’ cargo holds, bombing a large number of Russian strategic bombers stationed at airports. According to subsequent videos and satellite images provided by Ukraine, this attack at least hit 24 strategic bombers and early warning aircraft, several of which were armed with aircraft fuel, cruise missiles, and bombs at the time of the attack, resulting in intense explosions or raging fires. Twelve strategic bombers were completely destroyed and rendered irreparable. Russia and Ukraine had scheduled a second direct negotiation in Istanbul, Turkey, on June 2, and these already combat-ready bombers were likely to take off immediately to bomb Ukrainian cities, aiming to intimidate the Ukrainian people and gain an advantage in negotiations. This attack severely damaged Russia’s air force. According to Russian statistics, Russia currently has only about 100 active strategic bombers. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, due to Russia’s financial crisis, many military industrial enterprises have been shut down or halted production; aircraft like the Tu-95 and Tu-22 have ceased production, and manufacturing capacity has been severely damaged. Since Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014, European countries have completely banned the import of Russian military parts. Russia’s ability to manufacture and repair strategic bombers has not yet recovered, and the operational rate of military aircraft remains low; in April alone, a Tu-22M3 bomber crashed due to mechanical failure. Under various influences, Russia’s actual combat-capable strategic bombers are likely far fewer than official figures suggest, and this attack’s impact on the Russian Air Force may be greater than expected. During Russia’s retaliatory bombing of Ukraine on June 6, Russia only dispatched seven strategic bombers, all at maximum payload capacity, which also indicates that the Russian Air Force was severely damaged in the strike, with not only a significant reduction in the number of airstrikes but also relying on increased payloads to achieve their objectives.
From the information leaked by Ukraine, the “technical content” of this operation was not high. About 18 months ago, Ukraine’s security service began preparing to smuggle drones into Russia. Security agents rented a warehouse in Cheryomushki, Tyumen Oblast, Siberia, for assembling drones, then hired Russian drivers to drive thousands of kilometers to transport the drones to the target locations, and then manually operated them to attack aircraft. Each step of this process involved high security risks—if Russian border guards had been more diligent, if Russian officials inspecting the warehouse had been more responsible, if the hired Russian drivers had chosen to report to the government, or if any checks had been carried out on the cargo along the thousands of kilometers of roads or security measures near airports, the plan would have been exposed and failed. The inevitability of success can only be demonstrated through numerous coincidences—coincidences are the form of inevitability. Ukraine’s security service’s success in maintaining secrecy at each stage can be considered accidental, but this series of coincidences collectively indicates that such attacks could succeed in Russia as a matter of inevitability. Evidence shows that ordinary Russian people do not support this invasion war. During Ukraine’s attack, many Russian civilians came into contact with the operation, yet ultimately no leaks occurred. This is not simply a matter of “great rewards bring brave men,” nor can it be attributed to Russian people’s lack of patriotism—they just do not love their country’s ruling class. Over eighty years ago, more than ten million Russians sacrificed their lives to defend the Soviet Motherland, but now even the small bourgeoisie deceived by Russian capitalism mostly chooses to “sit on the sidelines” during this invasion war. After the strategic bombers were bombed, even a Russian soldier guarding the airport filmed a video with a smiling face showing the aircraft on fire and damaged. Russia’s monopolist bourgeoisie launched the invasion of Ukraine to seize former Soviet territories in Eastern Europe, sending hundreds of thousands to their graves, cutting off Russia’s foreign trade with Europe, causing many enterprises to shut down, and leading to long-term unemployment and high prices domestically. Currently, Russia’s monopolist bourgeoisie is desperately prolonging the war, relying on huge state investments in military-industrial enterprises to restore production in these secondary sectors, using war as a pretext for Keynesian policies to temporarily alleviate unemployment. Once the war stops and military factories cease production, Russia’s economy will collapse completely. The Russian people cannot support such an invasion war that demands their blood and sweat and sends their children to graves. Since the war began, despite the Russian reactionary government’s efforts to suppress anti-war protests, ban anti-war speech, and arrest protesters—nearly two thousand anti-war protesters were arrested on the first day—the Russian people have continued to oppose the war. Over three years, ordinary Russians have spontaneously attacked recruitment offices, government agencies, and military equipment with Molotov cocktails. Ukrainian intelligence agencies have often spent little to hire Russian civilians to destroy unguarded military equipment. In 2023-2024 alone, 12 aircraft, including fighters and armed helicopters, were destroyed by Russian insurgents, hired Russians, and Ukrainian agents. Drone attacks are not new; they are just a larger-scale replay of previous “Ukrainian-funded, Russian-hired” sabotage incidents.
From a global perspective, although this attack caused heavy losses to Russia’s air force, its impact on the overall military situation is not significant. Its real role is to reveal the true way to defeat Russian imperialist invaders—mobilizing the people of Russia and Ukraine to jointly oppose the invaders behind the front lines. In this war, Russia’s strategic bombers only launched cruise missiles to bomb Ukrainian civilian facilities, serving mainly as intimidation rather than practical effect. Destroying these bombers indeed saved many Ukrainian lives but did little to improve the front-line situation. Since Ukraine’s summer counteroffensive in 2023 failed, the Ukrainian army has not achieved the same breakthroughs as in late 2022. Over the past two years, Ukraine has been mostly on the retreat, losing about 1% of its territory. The fundamental reason for Ukraine’s strategic disadvantage is its government’s one-sided resistance approach. The Ukrainian regime is controlled by comprador bourgeoisie aligned with Western European and U.S. imperialism, relying on them economically, militarily, and diplomatically. After Russia’s invasion on February 24, 2022, Ukraine faced the danger of extinction. Under immense pressure from the people, the Ukrainian government armed the people and mobilized patriotic soldiers and civilians to reinforce the army. Ukrainian soldiers and civilians fought with unity and high morale, temporarily gaining a relative advantage over Russia in numbers. Consequently, in late 2022, Ukraine achieved significant victories on multiple fronts, liberating Kherson and large parts of Kharkiv and Donetsk regions. However, once the front stabilized and the threat of national extinction diminished, Ukraine’s comprador bourgeoisie became increasingly weak in resisting further invasion. They no longer dared to arm the people, fearing they might turn weapons against the ruling class. Over the past two years, Ukraine’s comprador bourgeoisie has been busy begging Western European and U.S. imperialist countries for military aid, relying entirely on their promises of more weapons and financial support, while neglecting or even ignoring the power of mass mobilization. President Zelensky publicly stated in 2024: “Without support from the U.S. Congress, it will be very difficult for us to win or even survive as a nation.” As a result, the scope of the war has been limited to a narrow regional front, turning into a mere contest of military strength. Russia has a large population, a big army, abundant resources, and extensive weaponry, while Ukraine’s forces are small and lack equipment, only receiving sporadic aid from Western imperialist countries. Since the Trump administration, U.S. military and financial aid has been largely cut off, leading Ukraine to suffer continuous defeats on the battlefield. But this attack again proves that there are many discontented masses in both Russian and Ukrainian occupied territories. Behind the narrow front lines, the Russian imperialist rule is actually leaking everywhere; it is only because Ukraine’s comprador bourgeoisie cannot mobilize the Russian and Ukrainian people, especially the Russian people, to oppose the war that the imperialist war machine can operate normally and continue the war. Even if Ukrainian intelligence attempts to hire and use anti-war Russian people for sabotage, it is limited to scattered, individual attacks on military equipment and cannot truly change the overall situation. Chairman Mao once pointed out: “The deepest root of the great power of war lies among the masses.” If Ukraine truly had a government representing the interests of the broad working people, these sabotage activities behind enemy lines would not be confined to a small scope but could leverage the widespread opposition of the Russian people to this invasion war, launching large-scale sabotage in occupied Ukraine and throughout Russia, halting conscription and military production, and politically and militarily reversing the unfavorable situation. But under the current leadership of Ukraine’s comprador bourgeoisie, this is impossible. The hope for victory still lies in the proletariat of Russia and Ukraine. The urgent practical need is to establish a communist party that can represent the interests of the proletariat in both Russia and Ukraine, transforming the war from an invasion into a domestic war against Russian imperialism, and ultimately ending the suffering of the peoples of both countries.
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